THE GENDER GAP: WOMEN AND MEN WHO TAKE THE GED TESTS
THE GENDER GAP: WOMEN AND MEN WHO TAKE THE GED TESTS
BY Elisabeth Hayes and Janet Balwin
(Elisabeth Hayes, Ph.D., is assistant professor at the
University of Wisconsin at Madison. Janet Baldwin,
Ph.D., is director of policy research at the GED Testing
Service.)
From _The Center Update_, The Center for Adult Learning and
Educational Credentials, American Council on Education, No. 79,
Spring 1993.
1. Why are Gender Differences Important?
Over the last few decades, educational practitioners and
researchers have become increasingly aware of differences in
educational access, experiences, and outcomes for women and men.
While the greatest emphasis has been on reducing inequities for
women, men may also be adversely affected by biases in
educational strategies and programs.
The findings in this report are based on a Fall 1989 nationwide
survey of GED candidates. Several points should be kept in mind
when interpreting these findings. First, the identified
diferences indicate general tendencies rather than absolute
differences between women and men. While the focus in this
report is on differences between men and women, many
commonalities exist in their experiences; educators and
policy-makers should give attention to both similarities as well
as differences when making program and policy decisions.
Secondly, gender-related differences may vary according to other
characteristics, such as race, ethnicity, and age. The
relatively small proportions of minorities in the candidate
sample (as described in the following section) made analysis of
racial and ethnic group differences inappropriate, except for
discussion of overall participation rates. Further research
with larger samples is needed to clarify potentially distinctive
experiences of minority women and men. Finally, the experiences
of women and men are changing as gender-related norms and
expectations change. Despite considerable progress towards
educational equity for women and men, the following disparities
have implications for educational policies and practices.
Key Findings and Implications
* Two-thirds of women candidates (68 percent) reported living in
households with at least one child. Only half (49 percent) of
men did so. Women candidates are far mor likely to share a
household with children--which can limit their ability to
participate in formal classes or to study at home or
elsewhere. Programs that provide free childcare would
increase access to education for women and men.
* Half of men candidates (50 percent) were living in a household
with at least two other adults--probably their parents--compared
with only one-third (37 percent) of women. Women candidates, on
the other hand, were far more likely (63 percent) to be living
with one other adult--probably a spouse--or none. Thus, women
candidates are more likely than men to be single heads of
household or to share household responsibilities with one
other adult.
* Women were more likely (36 percent) than men (26 percent) to
report annual household incomes of less than $10,000. By
contrast, men were nearly twice as likely (18 percent) as
women (10 percent) to report annual household incomes of more
than $40,000. Earning a GED Diploma may provide an important
method for both women and men to increase their earnings
potential.
Conclusion
Understanding differences in the experiences of female and male
GED candidates is useful to GED program personnel in several
ways. First, variations in women's and men's GED program
participation suggest the need to target recruitment strategies
and support specifically to women or men. Secondly, differences
in women and men's life situations, previous educational needs
have implications for the design of GED preparation programs.
Finally, differences in anticipated (and actual) outcomes for
women and men suggest that alternative follow-up strategies are
necessary to ensure that both groups are successful in achieving
further goals.